Political vip myanmar sex
"They don’t really want any political gains," said Keenan.
"At this moment, it’s about business, and survival." In this, the NDAA has a powerful ally in the United Wa State Army (UWSA), Myanmar’s largest armed rebel group, whose main territory borders the Mong La region to the north.
"It just makes a lot of sense that they would continue to do it, because it’s the most lucrative thing," Keenan said. 4 has its own military force, a 2,500-strong army of ethnic Shan and Akha youths, but it’s unclear exactly what laws apply in the area.
While Beijing has pressured the NDAA to shut down the casinos and crack down on illegal border crossings, businessmen and county-level authorities in China’s nearby Yunnan province also profit from Mong La’s gambling and black marketeering and do little to enforce Chinese laws, said Wang Bangyuan, a public health specialist with extensive experience working in the Myanmar-China border region. A decade ago, Beijing intervened and forced local authorities to shut down the casinos, turning Mong La into a ghost town overnight.
Paul Keenan, a researcher at the Burma Center for Ethnic Studies in Chiang Mai, Thailand, said that while opium cultivation may have ceased in Special Region No.
4, it was hard to believe that there were no other drugs coming from the area, especially given the boom in methamphetamine production in eastern Myanmar over the past decade.
MONG LA, Myanmar — At first glance, it could be any dingy border town in China.
Much of the population seems to speak Mandarin, the currency of choice is Chinese yuan, and it runs on Chinese cellphone networks.
One of the smaller of Myanmar’s estimated 30-plus ethnic armed groups, the NDAA is led by the warlord Sai Leun (aka Lin Mingxian), who broke away from the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) when it collapsed in 1989.Other players with headsets place bets on behalf of gamblers watching via video feed from Kunming, Guangzhou, or Beijing.In addition to drawing probably thousands of gamblers per month, the region’s porous border with China has created lucrative smuggling routes for drugs and endangered animals.In late 2011, the UWSA and NDAA renewed their cease-fire agreements with Naypyidaw, cementing the autonomy they have enjoyed since 1989.Even as the Myanmar government pushes forward with negotiations for a nationwide cease-fire with the country’s ethnic rebel armies — the second draft of an agreement was finalized during talks in May — in places like Mong La a lucrative status quo persists.
Like other factions of the CPB, the NDAA cut a deal with the military junta in Yangon, promising to end the insurgency in exchange for autonomy and lucrative business concessions, including control over the opium trade in the region of Mong La, where many of his fighters settled. State Department was satisfied enough to report that Leun had "successfully rid his area of opium cultivation." One senior NDAA official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said, "There is no more opium; it is guaranteed." The official said that most of the region’s revenue comes not from drugs or gambling, but from Chinese plantations of banana, rubber, and corn.